Union Budget 2019 Expert Opinion: Look to creative economy, take a leaf from South Korea’s playbook

Union Budget 2019-20 Expectations

Budget 2019 Expert Opinion on Budget Expectations: There is now broad consensus that the upcoming interim Budget 2019 will be geared towards bolstering the current government’s polling prospects in the general election. Several reports indicate that the government will use the opportunity to appease impoverished sections of the Indian society and the mercantile community. The remainder of the budget, pundits deem, shall be rife with promises of what the government hopes to do, should it make its way back into power for another term.

Given the government’s emphasis on technology policy over the last few years, with the release of Draft Data Protection Bill in 2018 as well as several consultation papers ruminating the possible regulation of different aspects of the technological realm, it is not unreasonable to expect items addressing these issues in the interim budget 2019 as well. If these speculations are indeed accurate, one hopes that the government has factored one critical facet of the broader digital sphere into its vision for 2019 and beyond – the creative industry.

Read Also: Budget 2019 Expectations- This may be the most important task at hand for Modi government on February 1

The creative industry, a broad term for what is essentially the media and entertainment sector, presents an important economic opportunity for India. It is one of the fastest growing segments of the Indian economy – recording an annual growth rate of 11.2 percent in 2016. It is also a key source of employment generation for India – an important consideration as the country needs to generate 10 million jobs per year to prevent mass unemployment. A report by the Boston Consulting Group predicts that the creative industry has the potential to generate 7 – 800,000 jobs over the next few years. Notably, a majority of these jobs could be relatively immune to automation. A study by NESTA reveals that 87 percent of creative workers are at low to no risk of losing their jobs to a machine.

Despite all its trappings, however, India’s creative industry fails to extract substantial value from its products, when compared to other developing economies. Notably, it generated only USD 18 billion in revenue in 2016, accounting for about 1 percent of India’s GDP. Comparatively, South Korean creative industry revenues in 2016 totaled a whopping USD 89 billion, accounting for 6 percent of the country’s GDP.

Part of the reason why South Korea’s creative sector is so successful is because the country’s government is heavily invested in fomenting its commercial ambitions. For instance, the South Korean government makes a concerted effort to maintain a robust intellectual property rights (IPR) regime. IPRs are the life-blood of the creative industry, as they serve as the vehicle through which creators can monetise their work. One of the pillars of a robust IPR regime are measures to mitigate the piracy of creative goods. Towards this end, South Korea has enacted a stringent copyright law to safeguard the interests of its creative industry. Further, and more importantly, it recently launched a special anti-piracy unit known as the Copyright Infringement Response Team (CIRT) for the effective enforcement of the provisions listed in its copyright legislation.

India has taken some initial steps towards improving its IPR regime with the induction of national IPR policy that has better IPR enforcement as one of its purported goals. However, little has been done to convert this policy promise into effective practice. Illustratively, according to a study by Digital TV Research, India’s concerted failure to counter copyright piracy of film and television content alone will cost the Indian economy 3.1 billion dollars in 2022.

Though laws are being enacted in India to counter piracy, such as the recent amendment to Cinematograph Act which threatens to severely penalise anyone who attempts to make unauthorised copies of cinematographic films, the efficacy of these provisions is questionable. A historical analysis of India’s copyright law reveals that an increase in the stringency of penalties does not generally translate into a reduction in copyright piracy. For instance, the 1984 amendment to the Indian Copyright Act made it easier for police to seize pirate works. But it was an ineffective deterrent to piracy as most piracy cases did not culminate in convictions, due to capacity issues within the police force. Thus, unless anti-piracy law is accompanied by efforts to mobilise and train the police to carry out its enforcement, it is effectively toothless no matter how severe its penalties are.

For Budget 2019, the government should, then, take a leaf from South Korea’s playbook and look to allocate resources towards the creation of India’s own anti-piracy enforcement unit. Such a measure would be a good starting point towards unlocking further value for one of the country’s most significant economic imperatives – the creative industry.

[“source=financialexpress”]

South Korea’s Park Geun-Hye Says Resume North Korea Talks without North Korea

South Korea's Park Geun-Hye Says Resume North Korea Talks Without North Korea

South Korean President Park Geun-Hye today presented a “creativetechnique to stalled six-birthday celebration talks on North Korea’s nuclear programme — reduce Pyongyang from the equation and lead them to fivecelebration negotiations rather. (document photo)
SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA: South Korean President Park Geun-Hye nowadays presented a “innovativetechnique to stalled six-celebration talks on North Korea’s nuclear programme — cut Pyongyang from the equation and cause them to fivebirthday celebration negotiations alternatively.

“We must discover numerous and innovative approaches, along with attempting to maintain 5mannertalks except North Korea,” Park stated during a policy briefing with top ministers.

The six-party talks, involving the 2 Koreas, the usa, Japan, Russia and China, started in 2003 as an effortto dismantle North Korea’s nuclear programme in trade for aid.

The North stop the speak manner in 2009, ostensibly to protest sanctions imposed after an extendedrangerocket test.

the following month it carried out its 2d nuclear test.

North Korea’s important best friend, China, has time and again driven for the talks’ resumption, howeverPark stated the North’s fourth nuclear take a look at on January 6 underlined Pyongyang’s rejection of denuclearisation as a bargaining chip.

even supposing the talks are resumed, their effectiveness might actually be known as into question,” shesaid.

The ultra-modern take a look at precipitated a flurry of diplomatic hobby between the 5 non-North Koreancontributors of the defunct talks process, with the united states, Japan and South Korea urging China to take the lead in implementing more potent sanctions on its maverick neighbour.

“I count on China to take effective measures to make sure North Korea can understand that theimprovement of its nuclear programmes serves no purpose, and that it need to re-be part of the worldwidenetwork as Iran did,” Park stated.

Beijing will have a vital position to play within the wording of the decision currently beneath discussionwithin the UN security Council to punish Pyongyang for its trendy check.

China is North Korea’s chief diplomatic protector and monetary benefactor, but Beijing’s staying power has worn thin with Pyongyang’s behaviour and unwillingness to rein in its nuclear weapons objectives.

however, China’s leverage over Pyongyang is mitigated by using its overriding fear of a North Koreandisintegrate and the chance of a reunified, US-allied Korea at once on its border.

The world condemns North Korea’s rocket launch and misses the point again

The world condemns North Korea’s rocket launch and misses the point again
Photo Credit: Kyodo/Reuters
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The collective global roar of disapproval that greeted North Korea’s launch of its satellite Kwangmyongsong-4 is a familiar sound by now. The universal fury at Pyongyang’s actions was similar to that which greeted its purported recent underground test of a hydrogen bomb.

As they did after that event, the US, South Korea, Russia, Japan and China (and many others) were forced into an uncomfortable diplomatic lockstep by their need to issue loud objections – though later statements on what might be done to censure North Korea were rather more uneven. And just as was the case with the size of the January 2016 test at Punggye-ri, the scale of the Kwangmyongsong-4 launch’s technological achievement has already been questioned. South Korea’s Yonhap agency was characteristically quick to suggest it had been a failure.

Business as usual, then. And as usual, the world is overlooking any context for the launch beyond the issue of nuclear weapons or ballistic missiles. As is generally the case when it comes to North Korea and technology, there’s a glaring gap between what’s actually going on in North Korea and the invective thrown back by its foes. Kwangmyongsong-4 is as much about national scientific and economic development as much as it is about geopolitical messaging.

In December 2012, North Korea launched Kwangmyongsong-3, which it described as an earth observation satellite designed to generate data to support North Korean agricultural planning (though it was also intended to broadcast the Song of Kim Il-Sung to the planet on a 470Mhz frequency). Unfortunately for Pyongyang, nothing was ever heard from it; both computer simulation and visual observation proved that whatever had been placed in orbit was spinning hopelessly out of control.

So far, North Korea has refrained from bragging about Kwangmyongsong-4’s technical capacity, and has issued no claims as to its musicality. It is once again described as an “earth observation satellite” containing “measuring apparatuses and telecommunications apparatuses needed for observing the earth”.

But this time, according to analysis of its path and orbit, the object released by the final stage of the orbital vehicle appears to be under control; in fact, its orbit has even been described by respected Dutch satellite tracker Marco Langbroek as “consistent with a remote sensing role”.

Of course, nations around the world seem determined not to accept Kwangmyongsong-4 as anything other than yet another example of provocative weapons testing. They are keen to negate Pyongyang’s assertions that this is indeed an exercise in the development of its capacity to explore space for peaceful ends.

Getting a grip

Such exploration and utilisation is of course entirely legal under the United Nation’s 1967Outer Space Treaty and the 1975 Convention on Registration of Objects Launched into Outer Space – both of which North Korea acceded to in 2009.

Why indeed would it be so strange for Pyongyang to want to develop its capacity to launch vehicles into space, or to build functional earth observation devices? North Korea’s conception of 2012’s device as an element of projects focused on improving its agricultural capacity surely makes perfect sense given the historically haphazard nature of North Korean industrial planning.

Reuters/Kyodo

If the satellite really does have remote sensing capacity, that could be a boon to North Korea’s ability to manage its forests and fisheries, and could greatly improve the country’s meteorological monitoring ability.

These are major domestic priorities. The Supreme Leader, Kim Jong-Un, quite unexpectedly and viciously denounced the country’s weather forecasting service in 2014, and in 2015, his government put a lot of work into developing the fishing industry and improving flood prevention and forecasting (especially after recent floods in the important Rason Special Economic Zone).

And aside from the obvious potential practical benefits, external commentators have paid scant attention to Kwangmyongsong-4’s place in North Korea’s charismatic political calendar.

Fascinating vapour

Western commentators certainly made mention of the North Korean newspaper Rodong Sinmun’s euphoric report of the launch, which marvelled at “the fascinating vapour of Juche satellite trailing in the clear and blue sky in spring of February on the threshold of the Day of the Shining Star”. But they failed to connect the commemorative dots.

February 16, the Day of the Shining Star, was Kim Jong-Il’s birthday, what better posthumous gift could there be for the Dear Leader?

The outside world has also overlooked any connection with the impending Seventh Party Congress of the Korean Workers Party in May 2016, and the political and developmental theatrics that will accompany this year-long event.

Instead, the wider world is railing against Pyongyang using its typical themes of threat, fear and danger. The global gnashing of teeth shows us just how myopic and black-and-white the thinking on North Korea has become.

We live in a world where potentially dual-use technology is blasted above the stratosphere many times a year, and where the launch of astronauts such as the UK’s new “hero” Major Tim Peake can be lauded as manifestations of national pluck. Even in the depths of the cold war, the Soviet Air Force’s Yuri Gagarin was lionised in the West for his pioneering space voyage. And yet, for all that the domestic context for this launch is plain to see, we refuse to open our minds to the idea that Pyongyang’s space ventures may be motivated by anything other than belligerence.

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